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Ardashir and the Sasanians' Rise to Power

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Abstract
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Ardashir, the founder of the Sasanian Empire, utilized a complex combination of sources to construct an epic narrative surrounding his rise to power, rooted in a constructed lineage tied to authoritative precedents like the Achaemenids. This study argues for a careful differentiation between late and foreign historical sources on Ardashir, including numismatic and material evidence that provide a nuanced and sober picture of his historical significance and legitimacy. Insights are drawn from contrasting textual and archaeological data to offer a revised understanding of Ardashir's early years and the sociopolitical landscape of third-century CE Persia.

Key takeaways
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  1. Ardaxšīr's rise involved manipulation of historical narratives to establish legitimacy and divine lineage.
  2. Historical sources are often late or biased, necessitating careful analysis of numismatic evidence for accuracy.
  3. The Sasanian dynasty's origins remain obscure, with conflicting accounts of Ardaxšīr's lineage and legitimacy.
  4. Ardaxšīr's campaign against the Arsacids began around 211/212 CE, consolidating power in the province of Persis.
  5. Coinage from this period reflects a blend of Achaemenid and Hellenistic influences, underscoring cultural continuity.
Figures (11)
On the coins of the Persis lord Wahbarz, for example, we find the legend whwbrz prtrk’ zy ‘thy’ br prs “Wahbarz, Frataraka of the Gods, son of a Persian.” This is important because the early Sasanian legend MNW ctry MN yzd’n / ké cihr az yazdan “from the race of gods” is reminiscent of the Frataraka’s title. Thus, the Sasanians combined both the Frataraka and Persis kings’s traditions Panaino takes the legend to mean “the governor (for the sake/for the account=in the name) of the Gods,” referring to the gods, namely Ahuramazda, Mithra and Anahita, who were upheld by the Achaemenids.'’ Skjzrve, with whom Panaino agrees in principle, takes the legend to mean “the one (set) ahead (of others) of = by the god.”'® For now let us take the legend to mean “Frataraka of the Gods.” These Fratarakas were protectors of the bayan “Gods,” but these baydn I believe were not Ahuramazda, Mithra and Anahita as Panaino believes, but the Achaem- enid kings themselves. Callieri, in an important article on the iconography of the coinage of the Fratarakas, has made the very important observation that the para- phernalia, namely the banner, the funerary monuments and the gesture of the person standing before it all, emphasize a tie with the Achaemenid kings. D. Potts also takes this line of reasoning, but believes that the Fratarakas may have been ignorant of the original function of the funerary monuments of Ka‘ba and Zendan, but they still had an ideological significance for them." I believe, as Callieri has rightly pointed out, that the bayan are none other than the Achaem- enid kings who after their demise were deified by the Seleucids.”” This may be the reason for which we may read the title bay on the coinage of Ardaxsir and the early Sasanians as “divine,” in its Hellenistic sense.”'
On the coins of the Persis lord Wahbarz, for example, we find the legend whwbrz prtrk’ zy ‘thy’ br prs “Wahbarz, Frataraka of the Gods, son of a Persian.” This is important because the early Sasanian legend MNW ctry MN yzd’n / ké cihr az yazdan “from the race of gods” is reminiscent of the Frataraka’s title. Thus, the Sasanians combined both the Frataraka and Persis kings’s traditions Panaino takes the legend to mean “the governor (for the sake/for the account=in the name) of the Gods,” referring to the gods, namely Ahuramazda, Mithra and Anahita, who were upheld by the Achaemenids.'’ Skjzrve, with whom Panaino agrees in principle, takes the legend to mean “the one (set) ahead (of others) of = by the god.”'® For now let us take the legend to mean “Frataraka of the Gods.” These Fratarakas were protectors of the bayan “Gods,” but these baydn I believe were not Ahuramazda, Mithra and Anahita as Panaino believes, but the Achaem- enid kings themselves. Callieri, in an important article on the iconography of the coinage of the Fratarakas, has made the very important observation that the para- phernalia, namely the banner, the funerary monuments and the gesture of the person standing before it all, emphasize a tie with the Achaemenid kings. D. Potts also takes this line of reasoning, but believes that the Fratarakas may have been ignorant of the original function of the funerary monuments of Ka‘ba and Zendan, but they still had an ideological significance for them." I believe, as Callieri has rightly pointed out, that the bayan are none other than the Achaem- enid kings who after their demise were deified by the Seleucids.”” This may be the reason for which we may read the title bay on the coinage of Ardaxsir and the early Sasanians as “divine,” in its Hellenistic sense.”'
xwaday “lord,” may have been a calque from Greek avtoxpdatmp.” The later kings of Persis had the title of MLKA / Sah “king.” One of these rul- ers by the name of Darayan II made substantial changes, not only in linguistic mat- ters, but also to the iconographic and the religious traditions.*° Consequently, it appears that the Sasanian historical memory placed this ruler in the formulaic pe- riod of Daray i Darayan, that is, the time between the two Dariuses. These kings of Persis included Darayan I, followed by Wadfradad, Darayan II, ArdaxSahr / Ar- daxSir, WahuxSahr, Wadfradad, Maniihr, ArdaxSahr / ArdaxSir, Manii¢ihr,”’ and Nambad. These kings all in all seem to have been subservient to the Arsacid kings, as Strabo (15.3.24) tells us and no real disturbance appears to have taken place in Persis.”** Only once we hear of a revolt in Persis against the Arsacids, and that is contained in the Chronicle of Arbela”’ whose factuality is dubious at best.*”
xwaday “lord,” may have been a calque from Greek avtoxpdatmp.” The later kings of Persis had the title of MLKA / Sah “king.” One of these rul- ers by the name of Darayan II made substantial changes, not only in linguistic mat- ters, but also to the iconographic and the religious traditions.*° Consequently, it appears that the Sasanian historical memory placed this ruler in the formulaic pe- riod of Daray i Darayan, that is, the time between the two Dariuses. These kings of Persis included Darayan I, followed by Wadfradad, Darayan II, ArdaxSahr / Ar- daxSir, WahuxSahr, Wadfradad, Maniihr, ArdaxSahr / ArdaxSir, Manii¢ihr,”’ and Nambad. These kings all in all seem to have been subservient to the Arsacid kings, as Strabo (15.3.24) tells us and no real disturbance appears to have taken place in Persis.”** Only once we hear of a revolt in Persis against the Arsacids, and that is contained in the Chronicle of Arbela”’ whose factuality is dubious at best.*”
epigraphic form ssn designating Sasan as a deity. But because of its absence in the Avesta and the Old Persian documents, it is difficult to know how it was related to the Zoroastrian religion.*° Recently, Martin Schwartz has shown that the deity represents Sesen, an old Semitic god which is found in Ugarit as early as the second millennium BCE.”” Be that as it may, in the first century CE we find coins in Taxila with the name Sasa, which may be con- nected to Sasan because the emblem on the coin matches the coat-of-arms for Sabuhr I.** We also have coinage from a certain Farn-Sasan in Arochasia who may have been living in the third century and belonged to the Indo-Parthian clan in the East. Ph. Gignoux has suggested, SGsa@n may very well have been known throughout Asia as a protective deity invoked against sorcery. This fact is shown by the exis- tence of a seal which reads in part: sasa@n ham sdsan i bay ud sasan pasban “O Sasan, the same Sasan who is god and Sasan the protector.” Whatever or whoever Sasan was, he was not native to the province of Persis and Sasan’s origins appears only to the east and west of the Iranian Plateau. Then why would ArdaxSir trace his lineage to Sasan who was not very well-known in Persis? Thus, as far as it can be gathered Sasan is not native to Persis and appears to be a foreign element. As mentioned, the stories vary about Ardaxsir’ Ss origin and his lineage vis-a- _ Ath . .
epigraphic form ssn designating Sasan as a deity. But because of its absence in the Avesta and the Old Persian documents, it is difficult to know how it was related to the Zoroastrian religion.*° Recently, Martin Schwartz has shown that the deity represents Sesen, an old Semitic god which is found in Ugarit as early as the second millennium BCE.”” Be that as it may, in the first century CE we find coins in Taxila with the name Sasa, which may be con- nected to Sasan because the emblem on the coin matches the coat-of-arms for Sabuhr I.** We also have coinage from a certain Farn-Sasan in Arochasia who may have been living in the third century and belonged to the Indo-Parthian clan in the East. Ph. Gignoux has suggested, SGsa@n may very well have been known throughout Asia as a protective deity invoked against sorcery. This fact is shown by the exis- tence of a seal which reads in part: sasa@n ham sdsan i bay ud sasan pasban “O Sasan, the same Sasan who is god and Sasan the protector.” Whatever or whoever Sasan was, he was not native to the province of Persis and Sasan’s origins appears only to the east and west of the Iranian Plateau. Then why would ArdaxSir trace his lineage to Sasan who was not very well-known in Persis? Thus, as far as it can be gathered Sasan is not native to Persis and appears to be a foreign element. As mentioned, the stories vary about Ardaxsir’ Ss origin and his lineage vis-a- _ Ath . .
Graffito of Pabag at PersepolisImage of Pabag on ArdaxSir’s coinage
Graffito of Pabag at PersepolisImage of Pabag on ArdaxSir’s coinage
Pabag playing on the religious persona is made manifest from his graffito at Persepolis which match his early coinage. One should also mention his name as an important pointer to his religious function as Pabag is a hypocrastic from Pab “father.”°* Furthermore, ArdaxSir at the time may have been in the south far away from the Pabag-Sabuhr takeover of Istakhr. Could it be that ArdaxSir was an usurper in his own family who upon seeing his father taking charge of Istakhr and nominating his elder son and the brother of Ardaxsir, and Iranian traditions which legitimated kingship in the Sasanian period.” We may never know who Sasan was but his dual function of priest-king of Persepolis-Istakhr is a nice topos. I would suggest that if Pabag was anyone of rank, he was a local ruler at best, taking Tabari’s suggestion that he ruled a small area by the salt lake of Bakhtagan in the south called Khir.°’ And it is Pabag who first aspired to rule of Istakhr and took it over with his elder son Sabuhr, and not by the order of ArdaxStr as Tabari leads us to believe. This is made clear by his coins with his elder son, Sabuhr.
Pabag playing on the religious persona is made manifest from his graffito at Persepolis which match his early coinage. One should also mention his name as an important pointer to his religious function as Pabag is a hypocrastic from Pab “father.”°* Furthermore, ArdaxSir at the time may have been in the south far away from the Pabag-Sabuhr takeover of Istakhr. Could it be that ArdaxSir was an usurper in his own family who upon seeing his father taking charge of Istakhr and nominating his elder son and the brother of Ardaxsir, and Iranian traditions which legitimated kingship in the Sasanian period.” We may never know who Sasan was but his dual function of priest-king of Persepolis-Istakhr is a nice topos. I would suggest that if Pabag was anyone of rank, he was a local ruler at best, taking Tabari’s suggestion that he ruled a small area by the salt lake of Bakhtagan in the south called Khir.°’ And it is Pabag who first aspired to rule of Istakhr and took it over with his elder son Sabuhr, and not by the order of ArdaxStr as Tabari leads us to believe. This is made clear by his coins with his elder son, Sabuhr.
Fars/Persis after Grenet 2003 FAULGAASH 5 IVSIUIMAUY dG He tds tO COMSUUCL d SUPUI-HatlUlal llledee. The inscription of Sabuhr I does, however, mention that Pabag was the fa- ther of ArdaxSir, but ArdaxSir was neither the only son, nor the eldest. Even here we see an ambitious man who was contemplating an empire from the fringes of the province of Persis. Perso-Arabic sources state that Ardax8ir was the argbea of Darabgird in eastern Persis when he began his campaign. However, we finc the earliest physical evidence for Ardax8ir at ArdaxStr-xwarrah (Féroz-abad also known as Gor), on the southern (fringes) of the province of Persis. I suggest that it is from here, far from Khir, the stronghold of Pabag, and Istakhr, the strong- hold of the kings of Persis, and still further away from the king of kings, Ar- dawan, that Ardaxsir began his campaign.”
Fars/Persis after Grenet 2003 FAULGAASH 5 IVSIUIMAUY dG He tds tO COMSUUCL d SUPUI-HatlUlal llledee. The inscription of Sabuhr I does, however, mention that Pabag was the fa- ther of ArdaxSir, but ArdaxSir was neither the only son, nor the eldest. Even here we see an ambitious man who was contemplating an empire from the fringes of the province of Persis. Perso-Arabic sources state that Ardax8ir was the argbea of Darabgird in eastern Persis when he began his campaign. However, we finc the earliest physical evidence for Ardax8ir at ArdaxStr-xwarrah (Féroz-abad also known as Gor), on the southern (fringes) of the province of Persis. I suggest that it is from here, far from Khir, the stronghold of Pabag, and Istakhr, the strong- hold of the kings of Persis, and still further away from the king of kings, Ar- dawan, that Ardaxsir began his campaign.”
I a A I I would like to suggest that Ardaxsir moved from the far away Darabgird to ArdaxSir-Xwarrah which was behind the mountains and still defensible, but closer to the center of power in Persis, Istakhr, when Pabag’s revolt took place. However mountainous the road from ArdaxSir-Xwarrah is to Istakhr, it is still an easier route to traverse than from Darabgerd to Istakhr. It is very important to note that the earliest rock relief portraying ArdaxSir receiving the diadem of Rul- ership in a crude style with only a small retinue is from ArdaxSir-Xwarrah. Fol- lowing Tabari and contrary to Alram, he could not have taken control of Istakhr and then moved to ArdaxStr-Xwarrah and placed such a relief. Otherwise, if he had taken Istakhr, he would have first placed a much cruder coronation scene than the one that exists of him at NaqS-e Rajab. ArdaxSir placed the first rock relief at ArdaxSir-Xwarrah, the center of his revolt and then placed more elabo- rate one at Naq8-e Rajab, showing his family and retinue right after his take over of Istakhr in 211/212 CE.
I a A I I would like to suggest that Ardaxsir moved from the far away Darabgird to ArdaxSir-Xwarrah which was behind the mountains and still defensible, but closer to the center of power in Persis, Istakhr, when Pabag’s revolt took place. However mountainous the road from ArdaxSir-Xwarrah is to Istakhr, it is still an easier route to traverse than from Darabgerd to Istakhr. It is very important to note that the earliest rock relief portraying ArdaxSir receiving the diadem of Rul- ership in a crude style with only a small retinue is from ArdaxSir-Xwarrah. Fol- lowing Tabari and contrary to Alram, he could not have taken control of Istakhr and then moved to ArdaxStr-Xwarrah and placed such a relief. Otherwise, if he had taken Istakhr, he would have first placed a much cruder coronation scene than the one that exists of him at NaqS-e Rajab. ArdaxSir placed the first rock relief at ArdaxSir-Xwarrah, the center of his revolt and then placed more elabo- rate one at Naq8-e Rajab, showing his family and retinue right after his take over of Istakhr in 211/212 CE.
Type I/2 BRE bgy p’pky [MLKA] Coin of ArdaxSir after Gyselen 2004 His rock-relief at ArdaxSir-Xwarrah was the symbol of his rebellion either against his father, but more probably against his brother. Pabag must have died sometime before 211/212 and so by this date both Ardax8ir and Sabuhr minted coins with the title of MLK’ “king,” with the image of their recently deceased father on their coins.” Here one must cite the important notice in Zainu’l-Akhbar which tends to corroborate the thesis that ArdaxSir indeed proclaimed to be aking in 211/212 CE. According to Zainu’l-Akhbar when ArdaxSir began his conquest Ardawan came to face him. What is noteworthy is that the text states “and twelve years had passed from the rule of ArdaxStr when he killed Ar- dawan.””° This clearly places ArdaxSir’s claim to kingship and local coronation (at Istakhr or ArdaxStr-xwarrah) in 211/212 CE. The event of 211/212 CE which is the defeat and death of Sabuhr also most probably coincides with his corona- tion relief at Naq8-e Rajab and his coinage without his father’s image (phase 2a).
Type I/2 BRE bgy p’pky [MLKA] Coin of ArdaxSir after Gyselen 2004 His rock-relief at ArdaxSir-Xwarrah was the symbol of his rebellion either against his father, but more probably against his brother. Pabag must have died sometime before 211/212 and so by this date both Ardax8ir and Sabuhr minted coins with the title of MLK’ “king,” with the image of their recently deceased father on their coins.” Here one must cite the important notice in Zainu’l-Akhbar which tends to corroborate the thesis that ArdaxSir indeed proclaimed to be aking in 211/212 CE. According to Zainu’l-Akhbar when ArdaxSir began his conquest Ardawan came to face him. What is noteworthy is that the text states “and twelve years had passed from the rule of ArdaxStr when he killed Ar- dawan.””° This clearly places ArdaxSir’s claim to kingship and local coronation (at Istakhr or ArdaxStr-xwarrah) in 211/212 CE. The event of 211/212 CE which is the defeat and death of Sabuhr also most probably coincides with his corona- tion relief at Naq8-e Rajab and his coinage without his father’s image (phase 2a).
ee ee ee eee ee ee History of men like ArdaxSir is fascinating in that not only were they able t change the course of history, but they were also able to imagine where they cam from and how they came to acquire power. Darius, the great Achaemenid kin was able to do this in the sixth century BCE by creating an Achaemenid empir on the heels of Cyrus the Great and Cambyses. ArdaxSir built an empire on th heels of Pabag and Sabuhr. Both men created a lineage which connected them t more authoritative lines. But that is how one makes himself matter and legitimat in the eyes of those who were present, as well as and the historian who is tryin to sift through these constructed ancestries, codified three centuries later an then translated into Arabic three centuries after that.
ee ee ee eee ee ee History of men like ArdaxSir is fascinating in that not only were they able t change the course of history, but they were also able to imagine where they cam from and how they came to acquire power. Darius, the great Achaemenid kin was able to do this in the sixth century BCE by creating an Achaemenid empir on the heels of Cyrus the Great and Cambyses. ArdaxSir built an empire on th heels of Pabag and Sabuhr. Both men created a lineage which connected them t more authoritative lines. But that is how one makes himself matter and legitimat in the eyes of those who were present, as well as and the historian who is tryin to sift through these constructed ancestries, codified three centuries later an then translated into Arabic three centuries after that.

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Ilkka Syvänne

2018

The article concentrates its attention on the practical aspects of the nation and empire building so that it: 1) Analyzes what methods, means and myths the founder Ardasīr I and his immediate successors used in the building of the Iranian nation and then the empire; 2) Provides an analysis of the importance of history and religion in the making of national myths so that the article analyzes how the Iranian leadership rewrote the past together with its religion for the purpose of uniting under their flag all those who spoke the Iranian dialects and/or practiced ancient Iranian religions, 3) Investigates what methods the Sasanians used to control the subjects; 4) Shows how the original set of falsified historical myths and the core set of religious beliefs were altered to meet the changing reality. 5) Asks whether the above provides any lessons for modernity.

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FAQs

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AI

What new insights do recent sources provide on Ardaxšīr's rise?add

Recent texts like Tarīkh-e Bal'amī and studies by M. Alram reveal different perspectives on Ardaxšīr's epic portrayal, suggesting potential manipulation of his historical narrative.

How significantly does numismatic evidence alter our understanding of early Sasanian history?add

Numismatic studies indicate that early Sasanian coinage reflects continuity with Achaemenid traditions, emphasizing divine kingship and local authority, potentially shifting narratives about Sasanian legitimacy.

What is the basis for questioning sources that portray Ardaxšīr's origins?add

Sources exhibit varied accounts of Ardaxšīr’s lineage, indicating possible fabrication to link him with prestigious traditions, including associations with deities and historical kings.

How did the relationships between local rulers influence Ardaxšīr's conquests?add

Ardaxšīr’s rise was facilitated by exploiting relations with local rulers in Persis, as evidenced by coinage visibility of previous kings’ positions and titles.

When did Ardaxšīr assume control over Istakhr, according to scholars?add

Research suggests Ardaxšīr consolidated power at Istakhr around 211/212 CE, correlating with his familial actions and regional rebellions against the Arsacids.

About the author
Touraj Daryaee
University of California, Irvine, Faculty Member
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