Beyond the West and Towards the Anglosphere?
2009, The struggle for the West: a divided and contested …
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21 pages
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Abstract
This book is concerned with analysing the highly contested nature of the concept of the West. Without repeating arguments made elsewhere, such debates have a tendency to present the West in binary terms, with three binaries arguably standing out in contemporary debates. First, there is the enduring fascination of drawing boundaries between inside and outside; of defining who is and who is not Western and which is evident in the popular phrase, The West and the Rest, as a title for books and articles (e.g. Scruton 2003), but which, of course, often results in contradictory claims about where the boundaries lie. Second, there is a binary between those who see the West as transcendent, as having defeated its opponents, like Fukuyama (1989; Roberts 1985), and those who see it as in terminal decline and predict its imminent death (Spengler 1991; Koch and Smith 2007). Finally, there is a wealth of literature debating whether the West, triumphant or in decline, is actually breaking apart into competing subsystems. Typically this is understood in terms of a European-American divide, with the view being that an irreconcilable value-gap has become evident (Kagan 2003; Anderson et al. 2008; Lindberg 2005; Kupchan 2002). This chapter avoids such binary temptations and aims instead to highlight how clusters of ideas concerning the West have themselves been drawn in different places with different effects. This reflects our view that attempts to reify a cultural core and unity of the West are misplaced. Instead, we argue that the West is best seen as composed of a series of legacies, or narrative trajectories, which constitute the West in slightly different ways.
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Uses of the West. Security and the Politics of Order, 2017
2020
The international order created under the auspices of “American hegemony” appears to be unraveling during the erratic and nationalistic leadership of Donald Trump, and the growing geopolitical and geoeconomic competition between the United States and China. Many commentators fear that such tensions will lead to the demise of the so-called rules-based international order in particular, and to the declining influence of values, principles and norms associated with “the West” in general. This paper analyses these developments by putting them in historical context, considering what was distinctive about the “rise of the West”, and explaining why the relative decline of American influence may prove so consequential. The key questions that animate the discussion are: what is at stake in the possible decline of the West? Does the rise of China presage the emergence of a very different sort of international order than the one currently dominant?
There is a paradox at the very heart of the West. Compared with civilizational states such as contemporary China, India, or Russia, the West is the only civilizational community of nations and peoples founded upon political values of national self-determination, democracy, and free trade – as enshrined in the 1941 Atlantic Charter and embodied in the post-1945 international system. But at the same time, the West as a ‘political civilization’ and the liberal world order it underwrites erode the cultural foundations of Western civilization and thereby weaken the West’s ability to confront internal as well as external threats – economic injustice, ecological devastation, social dislocation, resurgent nationalism, and Islamic terrorism. Davos-driven cartel capitalism, identity politics, secularization, and liberal/neo-conservative interventionism are hollowing out both Western ‘common culture’ and ‘high culture’ in favor of a globally exported ‘popular culture.’ As a liberal civilization, the Western political community – especially since 1989 – undermines both the common cultural customs, beliefs, and practices of its nations and peoples, and the intellectual, literary, and artistic achievements, which make the West a distinct, unique civilization. In this sense the West is its own first enemy. Before returning to the liberal erosion of Western civilization, I will discuss recent critics and defenders of the West as they draw on liberalism to make their case. Underpinning their accounts is a conception of civilization that rests on three presuppositions. First, that civilizational identity is either fragmented and in constant flux, or else fixed and immutable. Second, that civilizations are either the product of other civilizations to which they owe most of their supposed achievement, or else self-contained and untouched by others. Third, that civilizations are either arbitrary arrangements of fact and fiction that mask a lack of coherence or purpose except the pursuit of power and wealth, or else that at their heart there is a single cultural code, which connects its essential identity to social norms. These seemingly opposed assumptions are but two sides of the same coin that separates the modern era from what preceded it. In reality, surviving civilizations combine historical continuity with discontinuity. They are resilient insofar as they develop. They go through multiple transmutations, changing shape precisely because they have a certain shape to begin with. Therefore civilizational identities evolve over time, and civilizations tend to flourish when they interact with one other and when each has a unifying language, which can translate principles into practices that mobilize the cultural resources of its members. To speak of a distinct, unique Western civilization is thus not to imply any exceptionalism. Rather, recent discoveries in archaeology and anthropology – coupled with insights from global history – indicate that the West is something like an organic entity born of the interactions between the ancient civilizations of Rome, Greece, Babylon, Persia, and India, as well as the emergence of Christianity with its roots in Hellenic Judaism. The West grew out of the Roman encounter with Greco-Babylonian culture and its Persian and Indian influences and then the fusion of Greco-Roman culture with the biblical legacy. That in turn gave rise to the Europe of Christendom from late Antiquity all the way to the nineteenth century before morphing into the Concert of Europe following the 1815 Vienna Congress and then the Euro-Atlantic community after 1945. Far from being a linear history of progress or a series of absolute breaks, Western civilization is more like a collection of ‘family resemblances’ – all kinds of similarities without a single essence. The liberal civilization that became hegemonic in the wake of 1989 and is now in crisis contained from the outset the seeds of its own destruction precisely because it posits liberalism as the West’s defining character. The liberal idea of a single civilization based on universal values not only inspired the ‘end of history’ thesis but also led to hubris, notably the ‘Washington consensus’ of global capitalism and identity liberalism that are weakening Western cultures. 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Rather than going their separate ways or merely reforming an increasingly divided transatlantic partnership, the task is to forge a Greater West that reconnects the Euro-Atlantic community to old and new partners in the wider European orbit, Asia and Oceania – notably Russia, Japan, India, and Australia. If the West wants to recover its global leadership position, it needs to renew the cultural association of Western nations and peoples and to build a partnership from Vancouver via Vilnius to Vladivostok.
Educational Philosophy and Theory, 2014
In recent years, the 'Western tradition' has increasingly come under attack in anticolonialist and postmodernist discourses. It is not difficult to sympathise with the concerns that underlie advocacy of historically marginalised traditions, and the West undoubtedly has a lot to answer for. Nonetheless, while arguing a qualified yes to the central question posed for this special issue, we question the assumption that the West can be neatly distinguished from alternative traditions of thought. We argue that there is fundamental implicit and explicit agreement across traditions about the most difficult of issues and on standards about how to reason about them, and that the 'West' has demonstrably learned from within and without itself. But we question the very viability under conditions of heightened globalisation and neo-colonialism of distinguishing between thought of the 'West' and thought outside the West. It is time to move beyond the reified assumptions that underlie the idea of 'Western thought', cast as an agent with a collective purpose.
Focusing chiefly on the period from the 18th Century to the present, this course analyzes the most significant political, social, intellectual and economic trends that have shaped contemporary societies. HH216 examines the global impact of European and American cultures over the past three centuries and explores the most important reactions to modernity in both Western and non-Western societies. In doing so, the course situates the West in a global context and prepares students to think critically and comparatively about a changing world.
The article tries to give ‘a definition’ and an evaluation of modernity, and analyze historical evolution of its relationship with the West. Modernity emerged as a European success; as the USA became a major actor in the global affairs moder-nity evolved from being a European project to a project that has a strong associa-tion with the West. Today, the relative weight of the West in conceptualization of the modernity is strongly debated. ‘The West’ is not monolithic; it is a ‘constructed concept’ rather than a natural entity. Still, the West represents a certain type of society and level of development. It is still possible to argue that there is a strong association between modernity with the West. Clearly, modernity and the West can-not be identified and efforts to reach new conceptualizations of modernity which al-lows to valuable contributions from the voices, legacies and new experiences in the non-Western contexts are important to reach a more accurate understanding of global modernity. The articles also argue that it is possible to see the rise of Europe and the West as a historical phase and many non-Westerners think that it is achiev-able to regain the lead from the West. Nevertheless, it is concluded, the West still enjoys a dominant position in conceptualization of modernity. Perhaps, this is more so when looked from the regions that witnesses practical dominance of the West. Key Words: Modernity, West, History of Modernity
The rise of the West in the context of Spengler’s “world-history” should not only confer the title of great benefactor to one source or civilization rather to all parts of the grand macrocosm of history. While western civilization and the idea of European history can be associated with huge steps in technological innovation and maritime expansion of territory, historians must not discount the fact that other civilizations especially those in the Eurasian continents and Africa have also played a role in the institutionalization of what we now recognize as world history or the modern world.
Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies, 2017

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Ben Tonra